When your language is an unfamiliar tongue

This article discusses the sense of alienation people feel when the standard version of the non-dominant language officially promoted and used in mainstream media differs from one's own dialect. The feeling must be all the stronger if you have fought hard and long for the promotion of your language. 

In order for a language to be promoted and institutionalized, one of the dialects has to be “arbitrarily” selected and codified. That dialect happens to be Tâi-oân Iu-sè-khiuⁿ at the moment and used to be Tōa-tiū-tiâⁿ-khiuⁿ during the Japanese period.

When this happens, there will always be some who will feel alienated because the variety being promoted differs from one’s own.

This problem is more acutely felt in places like Mindanao, where teachers are having to teach in a different dialect of their own language under the mother-tongue-based bilingual education program. This has a potential danger of accelerating language shift, because people may opt for the regional lingua franca or national language rather than having to deal with the so-called “own language” which differs from their own natural speech.

An inevitable consequence of applying monolingual assumptions to multilingual societies

This interesting article points out that Manobo languages in Mindanao are being lost to Cebuano, not to English or even Tagalog. It reports that people prefer to read the Bible in Cebuano and find the versions in their own languages "too difficult to read." It then challenges the age-old and mainly protestant claim that the Biblical messages are best conveyed in one's mother tongue.

Well, I would say such assumption derives from the linguistic nationalism arguments dating back to the Europe of Luther and Herder that needed to promote monolingualism. It fails to take into account the fact that Filipinos always code-mix and that one's primary language shifts over time and from domain to domain. That's why bible translations in a "pure" form of vernaculars are not so popular except in well-established ones like Tagalog, Cebuano and Ilocano. They sound "unnatural" with so many lengthy and unfamiliar words! They don't resemble the code-mixed form of the language they use in their everyday  lives!

Likewise, it's little wonder that some people prefer to read the Bible in English rather than in their own language. For me personally, too, colloquial translations like the Good News Bible (Today's English Translation) is far more readable than the predominant one in my language (New Interconfessional Version) which used formal register. Thanks to the GNB, my elementary-school-age daughters have access to the word of God. They will have to wait until at least after high school to have access to the formal register and unfamiliar kanjis in the Japanese bible. 

Language can alienate too

A language can connect but can alienate as well. When writing a post in Taiwanese, I may be unwittingly alienating my Taiwanese friends. Not only because they can't read it, but also because it can be interpreted as a gesture of intolerance. I noticed that many people who post on Facebook in Taiwanese often denigrate Mandarin users in Taiwan. However, they themselves may be far more proficient in Mandarin than in Taiwanese. If they write in POJ, their message of denigration cannot be conveyed to their targets, so they write in Chinese characters. I suspect that they would not dare speak to strangers in Taiwanese when in in-person communication situations. That's why Mandarin keeps spreading and Taiwanese keeps on declining. 

台湾語の第一優勢腔とイギリス英語の並行性

This post is in Japanese. If you are reading this in any other language than Japanese, it may have been machine translated automatically and may be inaccurate. 

日本や台湾、韓国におけるイギリス英語は、台湾における台湾語第二優勢腔と並行しています（状況が似ています）。

歴史的背景から、第二次世界大戦後の日本や台湾、韓国の学校教育では、アメリカ英語が標準となっており、特に台湾と韓国では、イギリス英語の綴や発音は誤りとして減点の対象になります。

ところが、上記以外のアジア諸国では、学校教育で標準とされているのはイギリス英語であり、辞書や参考書も、もっぱらイギリス英語を正しいものとしています。グローバル化によって、東アジア３国でも、アメリカ・フィリピン以外のイギリス英語を標準とするアジア諸国との交流が増えたし、南アフリカやニュージランド出身の先生も少なくないので、イギリス英語も、それが通用している国から来た人が使っている場合は、なんとか許容されることが多くなってきました。特に、日本ではイギリス英語への許容度は割と高いようです。

一方、台湾語で、中華民国教育部が辞書や文法書、小学校教科書などで正書法としているのは、高雄、屏東、台東などで、泉州訛りと漳州訛りが混合し、どちらかというと漳州訛りに近い「台湾第一優勢腔（俗称南部訛り）」です。これは、伝統的には歌仔戯で使用され、今では北京語を母語とする若いテレビのアナウンサーが、台湾語で放送する前に訓練を受ける変種です。今、台湾で外国人が台湾語を学ぼうとすると、この第一優勢腔が教えられるのが普通だと思います。火鶏をhóe-keと、生をseⁿと発音する変種です。（なお、日本では、戦前からの台湾語研究の積み重ねにより、後述する第二優勢腔を採用する教材が多いようです。）

もう一つの第二優勢腔は、俗に「台北腔」とも呼ばれ、台北市中心部の旧市街のもともとの変種です。泉漳混合の中でもどちらかというと泉州寄りで、中国のアモイ市の変種とほぼ同じです。火鶏をhé-koeと、生をsiⁿと発音します。市街地の閩南人の混ざり方の比率がアモイと似ているのが一つ、そして英国人宣教師による長老教会の聖書がアモイ語を採用しており、日本時代からエリート層がアモイに留学することが多かったのももう一つの理由だと思います。

さて、イギリス英語と第二優勢腔の共通点です。まずひとつは、第二優勢腔は現在の台湾ではマイナーな変種だということです。教育部の辞書などは、一応両方の発音が出ていますが、教材の作成など、どちらかを選ばなければならないときは、必ず第一優勢腔が採用されます。外国人の台湾語にもこれを期待するようで、私は時々台湾人に「あなたの台湾語は台北訛りになってしまっている」と言われます。（もともと台北訛りであるにも関わらず。）

もう一つ似ているのが、アメリカも台湾南部も、広範囲で同じ変種（General Americanと第一優勢腔）が話されているのに対し、イギリスも台湾北部も、ちょっと移動すると全く異なる変種が話されているという点です。イギリスに方言がとても多いのは有名ですが、同じ台北盆地でも、市街地の北西のほうは同安訛り、士林の旧市街は漳州訛り、木柵のほうは安渓訛りなどと、狭い範囲でいろいろな訛りがあります。高雄から屏東、台東までほとんど訛りが変わらないのと対象的ですね。

台湾独立に傾いている思想からすると、なるべく中国とは遠い台湾独特の発音を標準として採用したいという思惑があるだろうし、またアメリカ英語のGeneral Americanのように、広い地理的範囲で平均化（コイネ化）して、癖のある発音がなくなっている変種が、標準化するには適している、という事情もあるようです。

私が今滞在している台北市で、ホテルの部屋を修繕している大工さんが、自分の家族と私語をするときは第二優勢腔だったのに、客と話をするときは突然第一優勢腔にスイッチしました。また、テレビの番組で、かなり強い泉州訛りがあるはずの鹿港の人でも、全国ネットにインタビューされると第一優勢腔にスイッチしています。これは完全に無意識だと思います。日本人が目上の人の前に出れば自然に敬語が出るのと同じです。すでに台湾人の意識の中に、「公共の場で台湾語を話す場合は第一優勢腔」という考えが、無意識にインプットされているのかもしれません。

 

香港の広東語と香港アイデンティティ形成

香港の広東語は香港アイデンティティ形成に貢献した。香港では、英語などの影響を受けた広州語＝廣府話、俗称香港広東語（以下、広東語）がリンガ・フランカとして機能しています。

しかし、香港の人口で広州語エリアにルーツがある人は半数ぐらいに過ぎないと言われています。それ以外は、上海語、潮州語、福建語、客家語、広州語以外の広東の方言（香港の土着言語）などの話者でした。

それにも関わらず、広東語の浸透力はとても強く、それと英語以外の言葉は「いなか語＝鄉下話」と言われて蔑まれ、香港で育った第二世代は、事実上、広東語のモノリンガルになっていきます。

もともと、香港は商業で栄えた都市で、外国人との交易を担っていたのが広州人だったから彼らの言葉が街のリンガ・フランカになりました。

イギリス当局は、表面上は不干渉（レッセフェール）の政策をとっていましたが、本音は、中国国内と同じ言語が通用して中国ナショナリズムが香港に波及すると困るから、あえて広東語の発展を妨げなかったのではないかと思います。

さて、その効果が発酵したのが、最近の香港アイデンティティの高まりです。

９０年代、２０００年代とも、自分は中国人だと思わない香港人はそんなに多くなかったのです。ところが、中共が一国二制度を反故にした２０１０年代あたりから、それまでほぼ存在しなかった、香港独立運動が急に支持を集めるようになります。

香港の人が、自分は他とは違う香港人だ、と感じる一つの要素が香港独特の広東語です。正式には書き言葉はないのですが（香港の公式な書き言葉は英語と中国語）、雑誌や漫画などを通して、書き言葉も少しづつ浸透し、香港人がネットで書き込みする場合、香港英語以外では書き言葉の広東語が普通になっていています。

清朝末期のイギリスのプロテスタント宣教師たちは、人々が自分の言葉の話し言葉に訳された聖書を手にするとそこから「民族」が発生するという、マルティン・ルターの思想の影響を受けていたと思いますが、１００年以上のタイムラグで、本当にそうなりました。

琉球語和琉球腔日語的差別

片頭是琉球腔的日語所以沒字幕

內文則是琉球語，所以有字幕

大多數的琉球人也聽不懂，所以要有字幕

而且琉球語內部，琉球各地的方言互不相通

因此，琉球腔的日語可以說是今日全琉球的共通語

中年以下一般人是琉球腔日語和日語的雙語者

只有鄉村和老一輩，以及從事鄉土藝術工作者等才會琉球語

https://movie-a.nhk.or.jp/sns/xkK/mm0aem41.html?fbclid=IwAR16uuoAMevYGN2UZ5F2yF-oTOus9fSqO0SWmIZmoFh-CuTM43G0oomd-9k

Mainland Chinese fonts

Very mainland-China looking fonts. Signs produced in China are seen not only in Chinese restaurants in rural Japan, even here in Taiwan. I'm very sensitive to fonts. Even though they are not in simplified characters, I can tell they were designed in China. I mean, look at the shape. And look at the 物!

I've been obsessed with written scripts since young. My parents and those who know my childhood told me I was always fond of reading what was written on T-shirts, and stuff. As a child, I got mesmerized by Korean and Thai writings on banknotes. And I was very disappointed to find out after visiting a Chinese language school in Takadanobaba that they taught simplified characters.  I wanted to learn proper Chinese like the ones written on user's manuals of watches my grandmother's company was importing from Hong Kong and Taiwan!

台湾手話と日本手話

 先日、台湾新幹線の車内雑誌で読んだのですが、台湾手話は日本手話と基本的に同じだそうです。台北の手話は東京弁に基づき、高雄・台南の手話は大阪弁に基づいているそうです。日本統治時代に台北の聾学校は東京から、高雄の聾学校は大阪から教員が派遣されたからだそうです。なので現状では、台湾手話と日本手話で、かなり話が通じるそうです。

現在、台湾の言語学者が、台湾手話の開発・普及を図っているそうです。日本語とシナ・チベット語族言語（中国語）では語順が違うので、後者の語順にあったのものにするそうです。また、現状で異なっている、台湾北部と南部の手話方言を統一するそうです。台湾でも役人の記者会見など、必ず手話通訳がつくようになっています。一般に普及させるためには、中国語の語順であることは大切でしょう。

Can Taiwanese be revived? Five reasons why it's an uphill struggle

 I'll discuss here if Taiwanese (Hokkien) can be revived, not if it should be.

When a language becomes just one of the subjects at school, used in speech contests and cultural performances, but not used in families as the primary language, we say it has been folklorized. On the surface, it looks like the language is being celebrated as rich cultural artefact. But in fact, its vitality is pretty much all gone. A cynical way of looking at it would be to say that the governments already feels safe about promoting that language, because it knows that it is no longer a threat. Breton of France and Ainu of Japan come to mind. Building a museum, uploading popular anime dubbed in that language on YouTube, and adding that language to the bus stop announcements will do little to revive it. You will be doubtful if I say Taiwanese will become like that, I know. But the fact that Taiwanese is attriting at an unforeseen speed since it became a school subject 30 years ago. So can Taiwanese be rescued? My answer is rather negative, mainly for the following five reasons:

1. Only those driven by strong ideology are actively working for its preservation;
2. Precisely because of such strong ideologies, specialists can't agree with each other on how and what should be preserved;
3. The very idea of selecting one dialect and granting prestige to it so that it can be promoted through media and education contradicts with what they have been fighting so hard against;
4. Mandarin has a hidden value as the first island-wide lingua franca of Taiwan;
5. Taiwanese is no longer tied to Taiwan identity.

Reason 1

Strong ideology is prerequisite to language revitalization, said Joshua Fishman, Jewish sociolinguist and Yiddish-revivalist. I bet you have seldom come across a Taiwanese person who insists on speaking only in Taiwanese regardless of who they are talking to including their own children, even though it would be easier even for himself to use Mandarin. The Taiwanese are friendly and not known to inconvenience others for the sake of their own ideology.

Reasonable parents prioritize practicality. And the practical choice is to use Mandarin. Not that they don't think Taiwanese is important; but studies have found time and again that parents thought English was more important for their children than Taiwanese. So a regular Taiwanese parent would be satisfied that their child is now taught Taiwanese folk songs and traditional stories at school as now that Taiwanese is a school subject, and carry on speaking to their children in Mandarin. The consequence of this, of course, is a generation of Taiwanese who don't speak Taiwanese well. 

Reason 2

One of the reasons why school education in Taiwanese is unsuccessful is that its orthography has been changed so often. (We put aside for now the fact that Taiwanese people tend to place much less importance on romanized scripts than on Chinese characters.) The specialists with strong ideologies I talked about above cannot reach a compromise and agree on what romanized system to teach children. After all, each scholar has spent years developing his own system of romanization. Another example would be the scholars of National Cheng Kung University launching their own Taiwanese proficiency test, because they are not happy with the Hokkien Proficiency Test developed by the Ministry of Education in Taipei. So this resulted in the government adopting a romanization system nobody is familiar with, sacrificing the Pe̍h-ōe-jī invented by foreign missionaries and has been in use for over a century with lots of available publications. 

Now that I mentioned this: I've been uncritically using the term Taiwanese so far in this post. The specialists can't even agree on what to call the language! Each of the following terms have strong proponents and opponents: Hokkien, Taiwanese Hokkien, Taiwanese, Holo, Hoklo, Southern Min. That's why I've chosen to stick to the popular terms, even if they may not be academically accurate. 

Reason 3

The next difficulty is the self-contradictory nature of the revivalist arguments. Ir order for Taiwanese to become a language that can be promoted in many domains including formal ones, it first needs to be standardized. Standardization means selecting one variety among many, making authoritative grammars, dictionaries, unified orthography, technical terminology, etc. Only then it can be promoted in schools, media, etc. and it will be to the exclusion of other varieties. In other words, that's what the KMT did to Mandarin in China, and then, in Taiwan. This also happens to be precisely what those language activists have been fighting so fiercely against for so many years. 

The Taiwanese revivalists may argue that it's different: Mandarin is an external language while Taiwanese, is an indigenous one. Or is it really so? Didn't Taiwanese originate from Fujian in China? This kind of circular argument is also seen in countries like the Philippines over English. If you insist that Taiwanese is OK and Mandarin is not, even when both are Chinese languages, then how can you be so sure that you are not, in any sense, being racist?

Even if we do decide that Taiwanese is somehow different from Mandarin, and therefore it's OK to coerce people into using it, it is highly unlikely that such a high-handed method is workable in today's democratic Taiwan. 

Reason 4

We also have to take into account the pull-factors of Mandarin. If people willingly chose to use Mandarin, there must have been some benefits to using it. And that benefit is the fact that Mandarin is the first Taiwan-wide lingua franca, minus Japanese which was not really Taiwan-wide (its use was limited largely to well-educated sectors typically in urban areas). Taiwanese (Hokkien), especially for Hakka people, is just one of the ethnic languages in Taiwan. Mandarin, is equally foreign to both Taiwanese and Hakka speakers, but is far more accessible to both than Japanese is, since they are all Sinitic languages. And as Taiwan became increasingly modernized and people became ever more mobile, there really was a need for a Taiwan-wide lingua franca. Taiwanese people may not have chosen Mandarin voluntarily, but it happened to come in handy. This again is similar to the role of English in the Philippines and India. 

Reason 5

As I have already discussed, parents are not choosing Taiwanese as their home language. But it doesn't mean they think this situation is good. Nobody in his right mind would say grand parents and grand children not being able to communicate with each other is a good thing. The reality is that parents do think preserving the Taiwan identity through Taiwanese is important, but when it boils down to a zero sum game, they would rather choose Mandarin (or even English, for that matter). Fishman would say, then, promote Taiwanese ideology harder. And that's exactly what the government has been trying, it seems. But there's a reason why this may not work: the separation of the Taiwanese language and Taiwan identity.  

Taiwanese people have appropriated Mandarin, and turn it into a medium suited for conveying their cultures and ideas. And it doesn't belong only to the Hokken-speakers, who make up less than 70% of the population. This is why President Tsai, considered a champion of Taiwan identity, makes her public statements in Mandarin. 

There's another added advantage to Mandarin. Unlike Taiwanese, which is still in an agonizing phase of being standardized, Mandarin already is a standardized language, with a more or less fixed writing convention. In fact, it is quite unthinkable in many countries in Asia that, when you walk into a bookstore, almost all books are in the same language as the one that people are speaking on the streets, as is the case in Taiwan. 

Having said all these five reasons above, the folklorized TV programs, events, speech contests, etc. in Taiwanese will continue. And the practice of Mandarin-based code-mixing with insertions here and there from Taiwanese, is already becoming the norm.  

We should also be careful not to be just celebratory about Mandarin in Taiwan. There is a pitfall. Suffice it to say here that there are risks to sharing the same language with a gigantic cultural content provider with little freedom of speech, which also happens to be your next door neighbor, and by the way, is your country's archenemy. It is possible to argue that the current Bilingual Nation policy is an attempt to preempt this danger. A topic for another time. 

Japanese version of this article: https://peterkobayashi.blogspot.com/2022/04/5.html

Kanji lover's paradise

 

Super old artefacts from almost a millenia before Christ bear inscriptions which are related to the current kanjis still in use by all the people here in Taiwan. Amazing!

What LPP can teach us about BN30

I recently attended a conference here in Taipei where many discussions were over the Bilingual Nation 2030 (BN30) policy of Taiwan. Prior to attending the conference, I happened to have re-read books about Language Policy and Planning (LPP). This was helpful for coming up with some personal observations about the policy. Here are the three takeaways from the conference, informed by findings in LPP studies.  

Number one: Two languages can never coexist stably in the same domain in the same society. Therefore, trying to teach content knowledge in two languages at the same time may end up to be a futile effort unless done very skillfully. The only way for multiple languages to coexist in one society is for those languages to be used in different domains. Within the context of elementary and secondary education in Taiwan, it seems that the main vehicle for conveying content knowledge will be Mandarin; while English will be used for classroom interactions. 

Number two: It is very difficult to make people change their linguistic behavior, unless using very coercive means. Actually, Taiwan already is a very rare example of success. Under the high-handed one-party rule by the KMT, Mandarin successfully supplanted Hokkien (a.k.a Taiwanese), Japanese, and other indigenous languages in Taiwan because there was a large-scale stigmatization campaign of the latter by the government. As the democratization advanced, millions of dollars and massive effort went into revitalizing Hokkien, Hakka and aboriginal languages, but the attrition of those languages has been unstoppable. On the other hand, people tend to voluntarily shift towards the language with higher prestige that promises economic gain and ability to communicate with the larger society. This is why many Hakkas abandoned their language in favor of Hokkien, and later, Mandarin. What the KMT government succeeded in doing was artificially creating a situation where Mandarin became the prestige language. So, if English proves to be a language with real prestige and utility, people will jump at it without any coercion. (This may especially be the case, after hearing in the conference of a finding that very small percentage of Taiwanese people were worried that adopting English would threaten their cultural identity.)

Number three: Immersion approach may work best in changing the linguistic behavior of the next generation. In direct contradiction to the mainstream voice in the profession which claims using the learner's L1 to scaffold their L2 learning is the most efficient method, L2-only immersion programs are known to produce good results, where children acquired high proficiency in L2 while maintaining L1. However, it must be noted that many of these immersion success stories originate from locations where children get a lot of exposure to both languages outside classroom. It also presupposes that there is a sufficient number of teachers highly proficient in L2. 

Based on the above points, here are some observations about the prospects of BN30. If the goal of the policy is to shift the medium of instruction (MoI) from Mandarin to English, the chance of success does not seem very high under the current approach. (Indeed, the policy statement of the Taiwanese government states that one of the main goals of the policy is to increase the number of students who are capable to attending English as a medium of instruction (EMI) courses in universities.) It  may succeed, though, in replacing Mandarin with English as the language of classroom interaction between teachers and students, while the medium for imparting content knowledge remains Mandarin. This will create a situation hitherto non-existent in Taiwan, namely, English being used as a language for domestic communication, albeit in limited domains. It may have an indirect effect of creating a generation more predisposed to learning English further, so as to enter EMI programs in higher education. In any case, it is essential for the government to clarify the goals of BN30 in more concrete terms, and adopt measures that are more finely tuned to accomplish them. 

Ruins of Todos Los Santos in San Salvador (Keelung)

 

The post city of Keelung used to be called San Salvador when it was under Spanish occupation. Several years ago, archeologists found the ruins of the Dominican Church of All Saints (Todos los Santos) under a parking lot. They also found human remains and some items including a cross. It was here that Japanese Dominican missionaries from Manila were formed before being sent to Japan only to be martyred there. All the saints, particularly the Dominican missionaries who worked evangelization of Japan, pray for us!

By the way, had the Spaniards not been kicked out by the Dutch, Taiwan would have been part of the Philippines today. The local Basay language belongs to the Malayo-Polynesian (Austronesian) language family and shares many similarities with Philippine languages. For example, "ulan" means rain in both Basay and Tagalog! Besides, the Spaniards brought in many Kapampangans from central Luzon to fight against the invading Dutch. And even today, there are many guest workers from the Philippines all over Taiwan, including Keelung.

臺灣意識愈強，閩南語愈弱？

愈是在臺灣意識高漲、政府開始注入大筆預算推動本土語言後長大的人，愈不願意跟自己的小孩說閩南語。也難怪，就算臺灣意識繼續普及下去，約25年後閩南語在臺灣會絕響。https://www.tsatw.org.tw/up_photo/moon-system/images/20190710112043_4392.pdf?fbclid=IwAR0nkRPGxtky8SNxifm3RFl7hlDU_FWBRmaKJByGyM8Kbq53Oi1vO5k4uYg

Imminent death of Taiwanese Hokkien?

Only 7.4% of kids in Taiwan speak Taiwanese. This is the generation that grew up decades after the government started spending a lot of money to promote non-Mandarin languages, including for Taiwanese as a subject in elementary education. Why does Taiwanese keep receding while Taiwan identity continues to spread? Why are parents with strong Taiwan identity choosing to raise their kids in the language of Beijing? There has to be a better explanation than that the KMT’s language policy, which ended ages ago, was extremely successful. #imminentdeathoftaiwanesehttps://www.thenewslens.com/article/157030

Re editorial of Taipei Times: Language is not just a tool

My comment after reading the Taipei Times editorial on a legislator who insisted on speaking Hokkien:

While it's true that language is not just a tool but a marker of identity, it remains to be seen if pragmatic Taiwanese people will accept the inconvenience of having to communicate among themselves through interpreters, while already having a lingua franca they all understand. Just as Hokkien became the language of Taiwanese identity by replacing numerous other languages both Sinitic and Austronesian, Mandarin does have a chance to become a language of Taiwanese identity once day. Or perhaps it already has.

https://www.taipeitimes.com/News/editorials/archives/2021/10/06/2003765596

EU型と米国型の対立！？多様性 vs. 民主！？

EU型と米国型の対立！？多様性 vs. 民主！？今回の基進の陳議員と邱国防大臣の衝突は、簡単に言うと、以下の2つの立場の摩擦ではないか。台湾の人々がどっちの道を選ぶのか、注目していきたいです：

多様性を守る為の新しい言語法は台湾土着言語はすべて国語と規定している；それに基づき、国政の場で母語（台湾語）で大臣に質問し、母語で回答を聞きたい。

vs.

民主が成立するためには、人々と政府の間で共通の言語があることが前提である；通訳などのコストや効率を考えると、私もあなたも共通の言語（北京語）ができるのだから、それを使うべきだ。

台湾語と福建語

東南アジアの人が「福建語」と呼んでいるのは、福建省南部の泉州地区と漳州地区の言葉がいろいろに混ざったものです。フィリピンは泉州寄りで、ペナンは漳州寄りです。

 

福建省南部の港町アモイはイギリスの拠点だったので、周辺から人がたくさん集まって、この二つの地域の言葉が（割と泉州寄りに）混ざりました。キリスト教の宣教師は聖書をこのアモイ語に訳したり、辞書を作ったりしたので、ある程度標準化しました。福建省の中では少数派の言語なのに、Hokkienといえばこの言語を指すようになったのは、イギリス人のおかげです。

 

台湾北部の台北盆地やシンガポールは、アモイと泉漳両語の混ざり方が似ていた（どちらかというと泉州寄り）上に、イギリスの宣教師が訳した聖書も入ったので、アモイ語とほとんど同じ言葉をしゃべるようになりました。日本人は台湾を領有したときに台北を拠点にしたので、台湾語の辞書や教科書はこのアモイ語そっくりな台北の言葉になりました。今でも日本で売っている台湾語の教科書は、ほとんど台北よりの単語や発音です。

 

台湾では、地域によって、泉州寄りの言葉を喋っているところ（主に西部の海沿い）と漳州寄りのところ（西部内陸部と宜蘭）があります。南部の台南や高雄は、この台湾中の言葉が、割と漳州寄りに混ざって、新しい台湾語が発展しました。これが台湾の教科書やマスコミで使われている台湾語で、民主化時代以降、兵役や政治運動を通して男性を中心に広がりました。

 

東南アジアと台湾の福建語の違いは、もともと福建になかった西洋的や近代的なものや概念を、何語から借りたかです。マレーシア・シンガポールではマレー語と英語から、インドネシアではオランダ語から、フィリピンではスペイン語から、台湾では日本語から借りました。例えば、スーツのことをフィリピンでは「アメリカーノ」というのに、台湾では「セビロ」と言います。ただし戦後は北京語教育が普及したので、北京語を福建語読みした「セーツォン」もよく使われます。

 

香港やマカオには、インドネシアから移って来た華人がいっぱいいて、年配の世代は今でも福建語を使っています（子供たちには北京語で話しますが、結局彼らは広東語のモノリンガルに育ちます）。

 

違いはあるけれども、私はマレーシアやフィリピンに行って台湾語を喋って、ほとんど不自由なく通じました。実際、北京語以外の中国語が禁止されているシンガポールでも、台湾のテレビドラマの録画が、年配の世代を中心に人気がありました。

 

台湾人の中には、「台湾語」というからには台湾でしか通じないのか、と思っている人もいるかもしれません。香港や東南アジアに買い物に行ったとき、普段台湾で子供や外国人に聞かれたくないひそひそ話をするときに台湾語を使う癖がついつい出て、台湾語を喋ってしまうと、何を喋っているのかバレてしまう可能性があるので気をつけて。

 

余談ですが、今、日本に住んでいる福建省出身の人の多くは、福州の近くの福清の出身だそうです。そっちの方（福建省の北東部）は、アモイ語とは似ても似つかない言語を喋っています。福建省の言葉なのだから、彼らは自分たちが喋っているのを福建語というかもしれませんが、東南アジアでいう福建語や台湾語とは全然違う言葉で、全く通じないのであしからず。マレーシアのサラワクや、インドネシアの一部で話しているやつと近くて、Hokchiu とかHokchiaとか呼んでいます。台湾が有効支配している馬祖諸島でもこれに近いものを話しています。厳密には、福清語と福州語は違うが、福清人は多くが両方のバイリンガルだとも聞きます。福建省ではこの言語を話す人のほうがアモイ語を話す人より多いそうですが、東南アジアではマイナーな言語で、一部の群居地を除いては、周辺でメジャーな言葉に吸収されているようです。

 

私は福建語の未来に悲観的です。台湾を含め華人社会全体で北京語教育や現地語教育・英語教育が普及して、福建語はお祭りの儀式や教育を受けていないお年寄りとの言葉になっています。マレーシアなどでは若者が復興運動をやっていますが、影響力が今ひとつです。福建では強制的な北京語普及が行われていて、アモイの子供は半数以上福建語を話せないそうです。

 

こうなると、福建語存続のカギは台湾です。台湾では民主化以来、マスコミでも多く使われ、小学校の科目にもなっています。ですからほとんどの人が多少できますが、ほぼ台湾全土で、台湾語だけを日常的に使っている人たちは、やはり田舎のお年寄りなどが多い印象です。台湾語の牙城台南市での調査でも、小学生はほとんど家庭で北京語と英語しか使っておらず、台湾語を使うのは学校の台湾語の授業のときだけでした。最近、台湾政府が打ち出した「バイリンガル国家2030」という政策では、バイリンガルが指すのは北京語と英語のことです。このまま行くと、アイルランドのアイルランド語のように、象徴的な存在になってしまうでしょう。例えば、中国と対抗する意識を強調したい政治家が、普段の私生活は北京語と英語で行っているのに、演説のときだけわざと台湾語を使う、といった具合です。

 

台湾で、もともとは上から押し付けられた外来言語だった北京語ですが、台湾人に半世紀使用されて台湾のことを表現できるように台湾化して、学校や役所で使う「頭の言語」だけではなく、「心の言語」にもなっています。

 

最近、日本ではこの北京語を指して台湾華語という言い方も出てきましたが、私や私の家族は、詳細をいちいち説明するのは面倒くさいので、周りの日本人たちに対しては、この台湾化した北京語のことを敢えて「台湾語」と呼ぶときもあります。福建系の台湾人だけではなく、一部のお年寄りを除いたほぼ全員の台湾人に通じるのだから、福建語よりも、もっと「台湾語」と呼ばれる資格があるような気もしないではありません。

Trinidad and Tobago going rhotic?

This video provides a rare opportunity to hear Trinidad and Tobago's TV ads.

You can here it in the background.

Instead of a typical Caribbean accent, you hear something similar to a standard Singapore accent.

Both Singaporean and Trinidadian Englishes are influenced by the presence of a large Indian community, so that's to be expected.

What's interesting is that there is also a commercial that has a rhotic accent in, presumably, an attempt to sound American.

Again, the situation seems similar to those of Singapore and Malaysia.

Malaysians becoming rhotic

It's been ages since I last updated my blog.

I've decided to update it since both my parents and my brother are updating their blogs regularly.

So here's my post today. I've been noticing more and more younger generation Singaporeans, Malaysians and Hongkongers are starting to sound rhotic.

People say it's the influence of American media, but I don't buy it. Back then when I was there, all those places had lots of American programs on TV, but nobody was sounding rhotic.

I suspect one factor is the presence of Filipino domestic helpers in their households. But I noticed that  Hong Kong specialists are not very willing to admit the Philippine influence. But if you are brought up by a Filipina since young, it's inevitable that you end up having a rhotic accent, even if your local English teacher at school is non-rhotic.

So, anyway, I was talking to a Malaysian today, and noticed something interesting.

Malaysians who use English at home and in their social lives all the time since young, many of whom are Chinese and Indians, tend to be more non-rhotic. They sound very similar to Singaporeans to me.

But those Malaysians who speak from non-English speaking backgrounds (Bornean ethnic groups, Chinese-educated Chinese, etc.) who learn English later on in their lives as a foreign language, tend to have more American-like accents and therefore more rhotic.

A similar thing can perhaps be said about Hong Kong. When I went to a university in Hong Kong several years ago to attend a conference, many students proficient in English are mainlanders, and they had American-oriented accents.

In Singapore, socially-upward people, especially females, tend to be more rhotic. (I read an academic article before that said a rhotic accent is considered to be the proper pronunciation in Singapore despite the fact that Standard Singapore English is supposed to be RP-based.)

I wonder if this spread of rhoticity and formerly non-rhotic Southeast Asia is somehow related to the worldwide spread of Philippine English!

Teochew people in Taiwan?

Teochew is not spoken, at least locally in Taiwan. Wikipedia says that Teochew people in Taiwan has been Hokkienized, and speak Hokkien. It also says that some of them speak Hakka.

I know for a fact that some Hokkien people claim that they trace their ancestry to Shantou-Chaozhou area. Take my mother-in-law for example. All her family members live in northern Taipei, and speak Hokkien with a marked Tong'an accent. Yet they claim that they are Teochew people. Or at least that's what their family tree chart "claims". In this post, I will talk about three kinds of people who are thought to be Teochew. And I will question if they can really be considered Teochew.

Teochew people are speakers of the language, whose center is Shantou-Chaozhou area. It is a branch of Southern Min family. Most Chinese people in Thailand and Cambodia are Teochew. Hong Kong also has lots of Teochew people, including Mr. Li Ka-Shing, the richest tycoon. They are quite powerful in Singapore and southern peninsular Malaysia as well.

Type A "Teochew" people in Taiwan are not really Teochew people at all. They are Pepo tribal people. Pepo tribes are Malayo-Polynesian people people who became Sinicized. They had to pretend to be Han-Chinese so they could own land. In order to prove that they were Han, they had to produce a family tree. But All their Hokkien neighbors knew that they are really different from them. They even spoke Hokkien with an accent. Therefore, they claimed in their family tree that their ancestors are Teochew. They thought the neighbors wouldn't know. But it's easy to tell they really have nothing to do with Teochews. Like my mother-in-law, they speak Hokkien with a Tong'an accent, which is Quanzhou-leaning. If they are really Teochew, they should sound more Zhangzhou.

Type B "Teochew" people maybe Hokkienized Hakka people that originated from western Zhangzhou areas in Fujian Province. There are many such people in Zhanghua and Yunlin Counties. The funny thing that most of those people don't recognize themselves as Hakka. They regard themselves as Zhangzhou Hokkiens. But Older generation people still remember some Hakka words. And some have admitted that they are Hakkas recently, and are engaged in reviving their Hakka culture.

Type C "Teochew" people are actually related to Chaozhou, but are not ethnically Teochew. They are mainstream Hakka people who migrated to Taiwan from Shantou-Chaozhou region. In this region of Guangdong, as in neighboring western Zhangzhou of Fujian, Hakkas and Southern Min people are coexisting alongside each other. Among the mainstream Hakka people who migrated to Taiwan en masse, some originated from this Teochew-speaking region. So their ancestry tree rightly indicate that their ancestral origin is Chaozhou. But that doesn't mean that they are ethnically Chaozhou.

By the way, in Tainan, there is a dish called Chaozhou noodles. I wrote a blog post about it in the past. I don't know if this delicacy is related to Type A or Type C psuedo-Teochews. Or maybe it's related to Chaozhou Township in Pindong.

A final word of caution: Be careful when you discuss this topic with the people concerned themselves. As I said, they may well perceive themselves as otherwise. And we must respect that. They don't particularly like being told who they are by a foreigner. The same principle applies to talking to people who might have Pepo ancestry.